Russian relationship with us

Putin: Powerful forces trying to sabotage US-Russia ties | USA News | Al Jazeera

russian relationship with us

The Russian ambassador to the U.S. said Friday that U.S. relations with Russia are at their lowest point in his memory after both countries. The relationship between the United States and Russia is worse now than it ever was — including during Cold War, according to U.S. President. U.S. President Donald Trump said Wednesday he thinks U.S.-Russian relations are at their lowest point ever, including the saber-rattling Cold.

How well the United States and China manage their relationship will be decisive in shaping the outcome, but whether the United States and Russia deal cooperatively with the rise of China or as rivals will also be critical. That future will also depend heavily on whether the change yet to come in the Eurasian core—in Central Asia, the Caucasus, and other parts on its European periphery—occurs peacefully or radiates instability beyond.

How the United States and Russia respond to trouble when it occurs—whether cooperatively as in Kyrgyzstan in or fractiously as in Georgia in and in Ukraine in —will determine whether these strategic interstices add to global turmoil or Moscow and Washington do their part to minimize the damage they do.

Not simply interstate tension, but war and peace itself will be at stake. Russia, at the moment, represents the conspicuous embodiment of the challenge, but scarcely its entirety.

They are not the only two countries entering this world, but whether they in particular manage together its dangers or decide instead to leave their hands free will do much to determine the shape this world takes.

It is obvious that, given the hardening animosity each country harbors toward the other, neither will any time soon look beyond its current preoccupations and reflect on the large perils that loom down the road.

russian relationship with us

The wreckage is too deep. The mindsets too congealed. The politics of the issue in each country too impacted. And the path to the present moment too long and overgrown with accumulated grievances. The two countries did not get here overnight or even only since and because of the Ukrainian crisis.

The choice they hid from themselves at the time was between the inertia of hope—counting on the momentum of historic change to smooth over the jagged moments—versus prudent attention to the irritants that arose early and grew into increasingly destructive factors dominating the relationship. As a result the road taken was one of ups and downs, of moments of progress and hope followed by disappointment and tension, until, in the Ukrainian crisis, it all collapsed into confrontation.

A labyrinth of obstacles stands in the way.

U.S. Department of State

On the Russian side, the leadership and most of the political elite have convinced themselves that the United States, whoever is in the White House, sees Russia as a primary obstacle to its international primacy and arrogated right to use force whenever and wherever it chooses, and, therefore, is bent on damaging Russia however it can, including by regime change. As a result it is out to upend the global order and destroy the rules that sustain it.

Neither country is in any mood to question its assumptions. Nor is either willing to consider what part it played in the descent; whether there is any merit to the concerns of the other side; and what would be required of it, if it wished to begin digging out of the deep hole where the two are lodged. It, in fact, does see itself at cross purposes with the United States on a wide range of critical foreign policy issues.

It does seek to checkmate or undermine U. It does mean to create trouble for and with U.

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This is a far cry from where things stood when Putin first came to power. We are willing to dismantle, once and for all, the legacy of the Cold War and begin fashioning a strategic partnership for the longer-term. There are, of course, two ways to read the gulf between then and now: One would be to say that he was dissembling, playing his audience, and hiding behind a mask that he would cast aside with the invasion of Georgia in The other interpretation would have it that in he was sincere, that he was still weighing the advantages of a cooperative relationship with the West, notwithstanding existing tensions, provided Washington was prepared to give him half a loaf, and that he shifted his calculations as his assessment of U.

Yet, if in the end, we are where we are, with Russia deeply alienated from the United States, what difference does it make? The first interpretation assumes that Russian foreign policy is largely agenda driven. Similarly this interpretation assumes that the malice in Russian policy has inevitably caused the deterioration in U.

When Vladimir Putin was elected inhis presidency created a different kind of Russia.

russian relationship with us

Putin was trained in the KGB and saw the world geopolitically, not ideologically. When he rose to power, he made the state stronger while using its energy resources to project power into Europe.

Trump: Worst US-Russian Relations Ever

In the post-Soviet era, the turning point in U. From the Russian point of view, Ukraine is key to its national security. Ukraine stretches west from the Carpathian Mountains, at the point where the borders of Poland, Slovakia, Hungary and Romania meet, and east nearly to the Don River in the Russian heartland.

russian relationship with us

This is a distance of more than miles along the underbelly of Belarus and Russia that constitutes the northern coast of the Black Sea. Moscow is less than miles from the Ukrainian frontier. Worse, they would find themselves fighting nearly the same lines on the first day of war — which means they would lose the ability to defend themselves in the conventional way.

russian relationship with us

This is why, during the winter of the Ukrainian election inwhen President Viktor Yanukovich was accused of electoral fraud, and demonstrations took place to demand that the election be annulled, Russia was certain that the U.

From the Russian perspective, the CIA and the British MI6 orchestrated the protests since Western non-governmental groups were involved in the demonstrations, aimed at throwing out a pro-Russian government and directly threatening Russian national security. From the American point of view, there was nothing menacing in the fact that the U. Work with groups to support and build democracies.

SinceRussia has seen the U. Russia also saw the Americans intruding in the Caucasus, where the U. In Augustthe Georgian government attacked South Ossetia, which broke away from Georgia and had been effectively independent since the war. Georgia was allied with the U.

Russia–United States relations

The message in the attack was to prove Russia could still project power and that the U. Russia was able to maintain influence over Kiev untiland through that operation, considering that Ukraine and Georgia were seeking NATO and EU membership, Moscow could steer them away from aligning with the West.

Ten years after the Orange Revolution, new protests ousted President Yanukovich from power in Ukraine after he refused to sign an agreement with the European Union. Demonstrators wanted the country to have a pro-European rather than a pro-Russian orientation. A pro-Western government was installed in Kiev. The two strongmen celebrated Mr Putin's last birthday over vodka and Russian sausage and afterwards Mr Xi called the Russian President his best, most intimate friend.

With the two cosying up to Iran, many in the West are worried about a new "Axis of Autocrats" emerging. The China-Russia relationship, of course, has been helped along by a common enemy: President Trump has recently slapped more sanctions on Russia. Their nations are forging the deepest and strongest relationship since their last formal split in when Russia was the Soviet Union.

Their biggest ambition is to thwart American dominance in the world order and, with help from Iran, they are proving effective in shaping events from Syria to North Korea. Senior Associate Professor Stephen Nagy from Tokyo's prestigious International Christian University has been carefully watching the geopolitical plates shift over the past decade and says the new Russia-China partnership is more a marriage of convenience.