The significance of the 14th India-EU Summit
The EU-India relationship is witnessing an extraordinary momentum, which was lost after the promising beginning of the strategic partnership. The European Union and India have upgraded their long-standing relationship to a strategic partnership in , acknowledging their common. This year India and European Union are celebrating 55 years of diplomatic relations. European Union comprising 28 countries is India's largest.
Some 40 percent of schoolchildren 31 percent in rural areas attend fee-paying private schools. As much as he has centralised political power within a small coterie of followers, he is also tactically reaching out to other political forces at state level.
A key move has been the devolution of significant fiscal resources to the states themselves, fostering competition among them.
The German Marshall Fund of the United States
Kicking the thorny issue of a land acquisition act to the states will look like a stroke of genius if state governments move on the issue — but so far, only five have done so. He has retreated on the implementation of a Goods and Services Tax GST that would tear down trade barriers between states — but is still promising this by April More fundamentally, after ending some corrupt practices — redistributing coal mines licences handed out in murky circumstances under the previous government — Modi will have to prove to voters that he runs a cleaner house.
He has signed a land border deal with Bangladesh and renewed ties with the Indian Ocean states and Sri Lanka — though attempts to reach out to Nepal have been unsuccessful. It is a welcome development that India has practically admitted its role in supporting Baluchistan separatist groups who have carried out attacks in Pakistan.
More broadly, Modi has pivoted east — to Japan, where there are shared interests in corralling China, as well as a kinship with the conservative Shinzo Abe. Delivering growth and reform None of this will matter if India misses its chief goal — annual growth of at least 8 percent. Growth, jobs, inflation, and corruption are the issues that now move voters.
Introduction | What does India think? | European Council on Foreign Relations
And, unlike in developed democracies, Indians do vote — 67 percent of them — a number that is going up, not down. It has gone through several years of 10 percent-plus growth, and its current rate of 7 percent makes it the fastest-growing economy, just ahead of China: It is blessed by the current international conjuncture of low import prices for energy and commodities plus cheap capital — and it relies far more for growth on its domestic market than on exports.
But it is also cursed by its own demons — crony capitalism, and an individualism whose flipside is indifference to public goods. These issues predate the Modi administration, and require fundamental changes in governance structures.
Winning state elections in the next 16 months and gaining a free hand will be the real test for Modi and his camp. A national biometrics identity-card scheme — started under the Singh administration — now covers million people.
The government is planning to carry out direct subsidy transfers through this scheme, bypassing levels of potential corruption. This goes hand-in-hand with the creation of transaction banks that will enable direct payments for all without the need for a traditional bank account, and with the resurrection of microfinance and microcredit.
Expect to see several divergent economic Indias rather than a country-wide process. Small, high-tech firms and the service sector will provide more jobs than standard manufacturing. Second, building much-needed infrastructure depends on both foreign investment and state-level funding.
India now relies squarely on its undeclared alliance with the US, with alternate suppliers to keep Washington honest. Israel and Iran — with which India always maintained contact, even while being forced to implement sanctions — also rank as special relationships. Russia is there for the long haul, and can be used, like other emerging centres of the multipolar world, to allow India to say no to the established powers. At a moment when the US is reaping the reward for years of patient groundwork with a concluded Trans-Pacific Partnership, Europe should pursue the EU—India free trade agreement FTA as a priority, instead of letting issues such as a quarrel on drug certification derail it.
Politics Over Trade: A Revival of the EU-India Partnership
At a strategic and global level, India matters to Europe. Despite its rivalry with Pakistan, India has been a key supporter of governance in Afghanistan. Should the Taliban or chaos win the day there, the current flow of refugees to Europe will vastly increase. India has moved from a traditionally sovereigntist and defensive stance to advocate freedom of navigation on the seas. India will also be a key partner for an Iran reintegrated into the international community. These avenues all point towards the need to refocus European policies.
On our trip, those we spoke to repeatedly tore down the conventional wisdom: The plan was revised in Views expressed above are the author's own.
Blog Chanakya Code Ensuring national security transcends strategic, military, diplomatic, economic, social and technological factors. The internal security situation remains grim with insurgencies, terrorism and Maoists acquiring dangerous proportions.
The external security environment too reflects growing threats. Chanakya was a great security thinker of ancient India, who provided pragmatic solutions to protect the State.
Like Chanakya's thinking, this blog covers all the national security aspects - not only politico-military but also non-military dimensions that contribute to the strengthening of national power. He has also been the country's deputy national security adviser. He was chairman of the Task Force on Intelligence Mechanismwhich was constituted to review the functioning of the intelligence agencies. He has taught at the departments of defence studies and history at the Punjabi University, Patiala.
He was also a visiting professor at the University of Illinois, US, in the department of arms control and disarmament studies. The ministry of defence had utilized his services for the preparation of official accounts of the war and the counterinsurgency operations in the northeast. His publications include two books and several articles.